Will New Left
time until March? Jorge Fernández Menéndez
Reasons Nobody breaks but all stick to the tray in the PRD and (among) their allies. Things that López Obrador told the New Left have been malicious, insulting. We are saying, the New Left leaders and other groups away from López Obrador today is not softer. There is paradoxical the two champions of the offensive against the PRD legislative majority are two characters as Gerardo Fernandez Norona (who would be interesting if we ever managed to tell how their bank debts when he was leader of one aspect of the Barzon), a character unpresentable and Porfirio MuñozLedo, a man who has put his brilliance in the service of diverse causes, from Luis Echeverría to López Obrador, from Cuauhtemoc Cardenas to Vicente Fox, but always over bet only one person: himself. But the combination of Noronha and Munoz Ledo Fernandez clearly demonstrates what you propose and what López Obrador is really in dispute.
We have often said here that Lopez Obrador is not a leftist. On the contrary, is a deeply conservative (even in basic social fairly liberal discourse), with a populist concept whose essence is embodied in something simple, a return to the past PRI, unhindered, this time, oppositions annoying . So, around there can be unconditional, from filmmakers in decline which will let the leader censure his films, to politicians who lost their successive cars of history and try to climb that still flows, accompanied by a radical left in the political arena otherwise, it would still be quite marginal. That's what Lopez Obrador strong among his people: neither by itself has political clout Muñoz Ledo has traveled throughout the political spectrum (and is not an exaggeration: it was the PRI candidate, the PARM, NDF , PRD official Fox for five years, now wants a nomination for 2009 in Convergence and / or PT, while working for a Senate that disqualifies), Manuel Camacho, a political talent, but he fought to the end to be uncovered in Salinas, and when he failed and he ran, did not get even 1.5% of the vote, Marcelo Ebrard, a ruler capital able, but absolutely dependent in terms of the pattern that does not trust you, Leonel Cota Montaño, the darkest of all time president of the PRD, whose influence depends exclusively on the support we give Lopez. And a long series of people who, individually, do not say anything politically. All revolve around Lopez and that's what he wants. Does not support or criticism or hesitation.
Moreover, in the PRD real fear that the breakup with Lopez Obrador is too expensive, at least until they obtain the address of the party. Especially in New Left, the situation must be very complex: it is the strongest current of the PRD, which has addresses most of the state and a strong legislative contingent. Policy making are the most talented and who can reach better deals with other political forces. Have strong influence in several governors, although most said Ebrard is your opponent (but they control the Legislature and several delegations capital's City) and there are irreconcilable differences with Amalia García (Amalia's is also a terrible paradox: one of the best PRD figures unjustly despised and insulted by supporters of López Obrador, faced with its predecessor, Ricardo Monreal, one of the most important men of that stream, but, on the age-old differences with Jesus Ortega, support the candidate López Obrador in the game, a Alejandro Encinas has nothing to do with that man of the left that was forged in the PC). Jesus Ortega is able to achieve on this occasion the president of the PRD. But will he and his power, to make decisions: this is the fourth or fifth time you close the road to Ortega. If it becomes a discipline, if the bend to pressure from supporters of López Obrador New Left and their allies, simply break them politically. If you accept an agreement that re-consciously reduce their strength and potential in pursuit of a leadership which despises simply cease to be operative, they will lose in and outside the PRD.
That is the true dilemma: perhaps until March to play with different letters, but must make a decision fast. Participated in the negotiation of the ISSSTE reform in the tax reform in electoral politics and now in the justice and security. All these reforms have been systematically rejected by Lopez Obrador, who simply believes that any law that comes from a government they considered illegitimate is valid. New Left and its main activists in Congress, where they have privileged positions, they know that participating in these processes gain for themselves and their party much more than isolated and substantial opposition. We found also electorally: the only election in which Lopez did not participate were those of Michoacán, a New Left-driven candidate and supported by Cuauhtemoc Cardenas. And it was the only choice they won. Unlike what it preaches Camacho, the PRD won without López Obrador. This does not amount to the PRD, it remains, as demonstrated in all of 2007. Also because his heart is with the PRI restored, not to the left.
Reasons Nobody breaks but all stick to the tray in the PRD and (among) their allies. Things that López Obrador told the New Left have been malicious, insulting. We are saying, the New Left leaders and other groups away from López Obrador today is not softer. There is paradoxical the two champions of the offensive against the PRD legislative majority are two characters as Gerardo Fernandez Norona (who would be interesting if we ever managed to tell how their bank debts when he was leader of one aspect of the Barzon), a character unpresentable and Porfirio MuñozLedo, a man who has put his brilliance in the service of diverse causes, from Luis Echeverría to López Obrador, from Cuauhtemoc Cardenas to Vicente Fox, but always over bet only one person: himself. But the combination of Noronha and Munoz Ledo Fernandez clearly demonstrates what you propose and what López Obrador is really in dispute.
We have often said here that Lopez Obrador is not a leftist. On the contrary, is a deeply conservative (even in basic social fairly liberal discourse), with a populist concept whose essence is embodied in something simple, a return to the past PRI, unhindered, this time, oppositions annoying . So, around there can be unconditional, from filmmakers in decline which will let the leader censure his films, to politicians who lost their successive cars of history and try to climb that still flows, accompanied by a radical left in the political arena otherwise, it would still be quite marginal. That's what Lopez Obrador strong among his people: neither by itself has political clout Muñoz Ledo has traveled throughout the political spectrum (and is not an exaggeration: it was the PRI candidate, the PARM, NDF , PRD official Fox for five years, now wants a nomination for 2009 in Convergence and / or PT, while working for a Senate that disqualifies), Manuel Camacho, a political talent, but he fought to the end to be uncovered in Salinas, and when he failed and he ran, did not get even 1.5% of the vote, Marcelo Ebrard, a ruler capital able, but absolutely dependent in terms of the pattern that does not trust you, Leonel Cota Montaño, the darkest of all time president of the PRD, whose influence depends exclusively on the support we give Lopez. And a long series of people who, individually, do not say anything politically. All revolve around Lopez and that's what he wants. Does not support or criticism or hesitation.
Moreover, in the PRD real fear that the breakup with Lopez Obrador is too expensive, at least until they obtain the address of the party. Especially in New Left, the situation must be very complex: it is the strongest current of the PRD, which has addresses most of the state and a strong legislative contingent. Policy making are the most talented and who can reach better deals with other political forces. Have strong influence in several governors, although most said Ebrard is your opponent (but they control the Legislature and several delegations capital's City) and there are irreconcilable differences with Amalia García (Amalia's is also a terrible paradox: one of the best PRD figures unjustly despised and insulted by supporters of López Obrador, faced with its predecessor, Ricardo Monreal, one of the most important men of that stream, but, on the age-old differences with Jesus Ortega, support the candidate López Obrador in the game, a Alejandro Encinas has nothing to do with that man of the left that was forged in the PC). Jesus Ortega is able to achieve on this occasion the president of the PRD. But will he and his power, to make decisions: this is the fourth or fifth time you close the road to Ortega. If it becomes a discipline, if the bend to pressure from supporters of López Obrador New Left and their allies, simply break them politically. If you accept an agreement that re-consciously reduce their strength and potential in pursuit of a leadership which despises simply cease to be operative, they will lose in and outside the PRD.
That is the true dilemma: perhaps until March to play with different letters, but must make a decision fast. Participated in the negotiation of the ISSSTE reform in the tax reform in electoral politics and now in the justice and security. All these reforms have been systematically rejected by Lopez Obrador, who simply believes that any law that comes from a government they considered illegitimate is valid. New Left and its main activists in Congress, where they have privileged positions, they know that participating in these processes gain for themselves and their party much more than isolated and substantial opposition. We found also electorally: the only election in which Lopez did not participate were those of Michoacán, a New Left-driven candidate and supported by Cuauhtemoc Cardenas. And it was the only choice they won. Unlike what it preaches Camacho, the PRD won without López Obrador. This does not amount to the PRD, it remains, as demonstrated in all of 2007. Also because his heart is with the PRI restored, not to the left.
